Like all Palestinians in Gaza, hundreds of Christians living in the Strip found themselves with nowhere to hide once the war with Israel began after October 7, Israeli forces often targeting churches…
By Etan Nechin, reposted from Haaretz, April 21, 2024
Since the Israel-Hamas war began last October, A. (whose name, age and occupation are withheld for safety reasons, and to avoid any backlash from his community) has been seeking refuge in one of Gaza’s three churches with his family, along with approximately 300 others.
His interview with Haaretz was conducted via WhatsApp messages due to an unstable internet connection, and A. admitted that while he was concerned about communicating with the Israeli media, he was most interested “in telling our story.”
The war has severely impacted the Christian community in the Gaza Strip. Just a week into the war, the Israel Air Force hit the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Porphyrius in Gaza City, reportedly killing 18 people who had sought refuge within its walls. In late December, an Israeli sniper shot to death two women at the Catholic Holy Family Church, also in Gaza City. In another incident, an elderly music teacher bled to death after being shot, while others have died from a lack of medication and treatment. Apart from the deaths, the community, like everyone in Gaza, has been trapped by the war.
“We’ve faced destruction and looting of homes, with about 100 families having their homes totally destroyed,” A. wrote. “Almost all Christian families are concentrated in Gaza City, where most destruction occurred. Our challenges mirror those of the broader Gazan community, as we seek refuge in local churches, struggling daily for basic necessities like food, water and medical supplies.
Gaza is home to some of the world’s oldest Christian sites, including the Church of Saint Porphyrius and Saint Hilarion Monastery. The former is considered one of the most ancient in all of Christendom. Saint Hilarion Monastery is named for one of the first Christian desert monks, from the third-century.
“The situation has gotten much worse in the past few months. We are getting little food aid, so we have to buy [food] on the black market, which is a hundred times more,” he added.
A. described a rigorous daily routine shaped by the limitations imposed by the war and the challenging conditions facing 300 people living in a single hall. Most of their day revolves around the distribution of food and water. They’ve established a shower schedule, a morning queue for bathroom usage and a system for handwashing clothes. Electricity is scarce with limited availability, during which everyone rushes to charge electronic devices and assist each other in cooking. A. also says critical vaccinations for his daughter have been missed, leading to illness from contaminated water.
Despite a strong sense of solidarity and cooperation in the face of these dire circumstances, it has been a struggle to survive and keep the community together, he wrote.
Christian exodus
Khalil Sayegh is a political analyst and co-founder (along with his Israeli partner Elazar Weiss) of the Agora Initiative, an organization that promotes reconciliation and long-term solutions for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He was born in Gaza, is part of the Christian community and currently lives in Washington.
During a phone call, he described the destruction experienced by the community in Gaza, which numbered about 800 people before October 7. That in itself was a big reduction from the start of the century when, prior to the second intifada, up to 4,000 Christians lived in the Strip. There are believed to be fewer than 30,000 Christians in the West Bank, or less than 1 percent of the population there.
“After the October 7 attack and subsequent military actions, we witnessed about 2 to 3 percent of the community killed,” he said. “Now, we are witnessing an exodus of Christians where, like the rest of the Palestinians, many are trying to pass through the Egyptian border” at Rafah.
The Christian community in Gaza has deep historical roots, starting from the foundations of the faith in the Middle East in the first century. It is also home to some of the world’s oldest Christian sites, including the Church of Saint Porphyrius and Tell Umm Amer (aka Saint Hilarion Monastery). The former is the oldest operating church in Gaza City and is considered one of the most ancient in all of Christendom. Saint Hilarion Monastery is named for one of the first Christian desert monks, from the third-century. The Palestinian Authority asked UNESCO to recognize the Byzantine monastery as a World Heritage Site, in an emergency process last October in a bid to protect it.
“We have the first hospital in Gaza, the Baptist Hospital, established where Christians run the Caritas clinic. There’s also the Orthodox Arabic Center, as well as cultural centers that serve a broad community,” Sayegh explained. “We have four Christian schools in Gaza: three Catholic and one Orthodox, and they also serve primarily Muslim students. We also have three [denominations]: the Catholic Church, the Baptist Church and the [Greek] Orthodox Church.
“Eighty percent of the Christian-owned properties were between partially and fully destroyed,” he said. “All the churches sustained at least partial damage. For instance, Gaza Baptist Church [also in Gaza City] – its garden was literally used by tanks as a staging area. At the Catholic church [Holy Family Church], where many Christians took shelter, part of the compound was heavily damaged. Moreover, this church experienced direct attacks, including sniper attacks and shootings targeting the premises. There was also significant damage to a part of their facility that is [run by] nuns, which helps orphans and the elderly,” he added. The Greek Orthodox Church called the damage to the Church of Saint Porphyrius “a war crime.”
Addressing accusations that the Israel Defense Forces has been targeting churches and shooting Christians in Gaza, an IDF spokesperson said in December that the army “does not target civilians, no matter their religion. … The IDF takes claims regarding harm to sensitive sites with the utmost seriousness – especially churches – considering that Christian communities are a minority group in the Middle East.”
Secure but Isolated
Gaza’s Christian community has been isolated since Hamas’ ascent to power in 2006 and Israel’s subsequent blockade of the enclave, according to Sayegh. “Like the rest of the Palestinians in Gaza, we’ve suffered greatly from the occupation and the various forms of violence that the occupiers have imposed on us,” he said. “Additionally, we’ve also suffered from the siege imposed on Gaza, which has impacted all aspects of life, including food and freedom of movement. Specifically, as Christians, it has severely affected our freedom of religion, particularly our ability to travel to holy places like Jerusalem and Bethlehem – practices that Christians in the area have undertaken for years but we’ve only been able to dream of for a long time.”
There have been interreligious tensions and even violent attacks – such as the 2007 kidnapping and murder of Rami Ayyad, a Christian bookstore owner believed to have been murdered over his faith by unknown assailants. But overall, the years under the Hamas regime have mostly been calm ones for Christian-Muslim relations.
A. noted that before October 7, “our community had its respected space within Gazan society under Hamas. We maintained our religious liberties, community activities and organizational functions without facing many negative attitudes.”
Sayegh said that when Hamas first came to power, “it raised many questions for Christians about what it would mean to have an Islamist group in control. We wondered how much our freedom would be restricted and how much Islamization Hamas might try to impose. However, we found that Hamas has generally tolerated Christianity in private life. You can have your churches and services; there has been no interference whatsoever in these. This included some degree of protection for Christians by Hamas against jihadist groups and other radicals. But in the public square, illiberal regimes such as Hamas, which became an Islamist one, show little tolerance for displaying anything but Islamic symbols,” he added.
We don’t see ourselves primarily as a religious minority. Yes, we’re religiously different, but ethnically, racially, nationally, we’re Palestinians. That’s the most salient part of our identity.
Khalil Sayegh
The community’s isolation means that its relations with other Palestinian Christians in Israel and the West Bank have been pretty much nonexistent. Still, there is a strong sense of sadness and solidarity with the Christian community and Gazan community at large from other Palestinians.
Botrus Mansour, operational director of the Nazareth Baptist School, said Christians in the region have been feeling an increasing sense of despair. “On October 7, we were devastated. I don’t like the word ‘condemn,’ because such objections to this kind of violence should be self-evident. But in the months since, all those killed and displaced isn’t only devastating but despairing. You think about quitting, leaving it all. But as Christians, we believe that we offer light in promoting and chasing peace.
“We don’t have much connection with the Palestinian community in Gaza, not like with those in the West Bank,” he continued. “We used to have more connections: before the unilateral withdrawal [by Israel in 2005] and blockade, we used to meet in conferences, even in Gaza – but with the small size and isolation, it’s hard to keep up.
“Even so, with such a tiny community, we have connections. My wife, for instance, knew Elham Farah, the music teacher who was killed by an Israeli sniper,” Mansour added, referring to the 84-year-old woman who bled to death after reportedly being shot in the leg outside the Holy Family Church last November.
A quiet voice
Ihab Hassan, a human rights student from Ramallah studying at Catholic University in Washington, echoed Mansour’s words about the sense of disconnection between the Gazans and other Palestinian Christians.
“Gaza’s Christians aren’t allowed to leave, only on occasions like Christmas or Easter – and many are refused entry by Israel,” he said. “This keeps them very disconnected from the community; nobody knows who these people are or has met them before.”
Sayegh noted that his own family is divided between the West Bank and Gaza due to the difficulty in obtaining permits from Israel. “This system, especially around times like Easter or Christmas when they grant some family members permits but not others, has led to decisions by some to leave Gaza for the West Bank, further fragmenting our family and creating fissures within our community,” he said.
Sayegh himself was born in Gaza and lived in the West Bank before moving to the United States. “I was born in Gaza to a family who experienced the Nakba in 1948. After studying theology and biblical studies in the West Bank, I moved to Washington to study political science at American University, focusing on democratization in the region. The transition from theology to political advocacy was driven by my desire to create positive change through informed engagement.”
Ihab Hassan believes it’s important for voices within the Palestinian-Christian community to speak freely against both Hamas and Israel. “Christians are often afraid to express their political views or get involved in political discourse because of the potential repercussions,” he said.
He said he is now unable to return to his homeland. “You have to get a permit to stay in the West Bank that is renewed yearly. After I moved to the United States, Israel revoked it – so I’m stuck here. I’m unable to return to the West Bank, and my family remains in Gaza. While I work toward reuniting with them, the prospect of returning to a pre-October situation is unimaginable under current conditions. The most optimistic outcome I envision is a dramatic shift toward a two-state solution, prompted by international pressure on Israel. However, realistically, I see no immediate end to the conflict that favors the Palestinian side.”
Human rights student Hassan shared Sayegh’s pessimism about the Christian community’s chances for survival. “Bethlehem [in the West Bank] is raided by Israelis almost daily, so Christian Palestinians face the same consequences of occupation as Muslims do. There is no difference in the checkpoints on the roads. October 7 convinced many that they need to be fearful and scared of staying in Palestine. Just recently, settlers attacked Palestinian villages just down the road from Taibe, a small Christian village.”
He said it was important for voices within the Palestinian-Christian community to speak freely against both Hamas and Israel. “We have the right, as many Palestinians do, to speak out freely. But Christians are often afraid to express their political views or get involved in political discourse because of the potential repercussions,” Hassan noted.
Sayegh, meanwhile, stressed how much Christians, whether in Gaza or the West Bank, consider themselves first as Palestinians. “We don’t see ourselves primarily as a religious minority. Yes, we’re religiously different, but ethnically, racially, nationally, we’re Palestinians. That’s the most salient part of our identity. We’re targeted and suffer the same – denied freedom, food and access to water – not because we’re Christians but because we’re Palestinians.”
Shifting support
Within Israel and the Palestinian territories, the Christian voice invariably gets lost in the margins between Judaism and Islam. “The Christian minority in Palestine – they’re actually scared to speak out about what they believe, what they think. That’s the problem,” Hassan said. “Because they’re a very small minority, they’ve been under pressure from the Muslim community, the government and the occupation. All of that pressure on them makes them feel like they don’t have a voice in the conflict, because it’s very hard for us.”
While Christian-Arab voices are barely heard in either Israel, the West Bank or Gaza, Sayegh said that support for the Palestinian cause in the wider Christian world has rarely been that vocal either.
“The Catholic Church has maintained a strong position on the two-state solution, advocating that the displacement of Palestinians, particularly Christians since 1948, is neither moral nor ethical and should not be allowed to continue,” Sayegh said. “The church asserts that the people should have rights to their land and to live in peace and dignity. This stance was especially pronounced when the facilities of the Holy Family Church were targeted during the war. However, overall, we find that not enough Christians are speaking out about these issues – partly due to the sensitivities surrounding Christian-Jewish relationships and the risks they perceive,”
In the United States, the term “Judeo-Christian values” has become synonymous with strong support from the evangelical community for Israel. During the dedication of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem six years ago, evangelical pastor John Hagee delivered a speech in honor of the Jewish state. [Read about Hagee here.] More recently, Republican Congressman Tim Walberg, also an ordained minister, seemingly suggested that Israel should use nuclear weapons in Gaza. Even the Iranian attack on Israel earlier this month “stoked [Prime Minister] Benjamin Netanyahu’s evangelical allies,” Sayegh said.
The burgeoning alliance between evangelicals and religious Zionists means that money, resources and narratives are being directed to support Jewish causes, all as part of the evangelical belief that the Jewish people must be in Jerusalem to hasten the “end times” and the second coming of Jesus. In this context, Palestinians are viewed merely as an inconvenient obstacle.
We used to plan for our family’s future in Gaza. We bought an apartment, a car, a lot of belongings. We decorated our house. We never thought of leaving Gaza. Now, everything is gone. — A.
“For so long, the prevailing narrative among Christian groups, particularly in America, was that Christians should offer unwavering support to Israel without questioning its actions,” Sayegh said. “This stance was especially prominent among right-wing evangelicals who embraced dispensationalist theology, viewing Israel’s actions as fulfilling biblical prophecy.”
[Read about the cause of this here and here.]
Hassan, meanwhile, noted that he “used to go to a [Washington] church where they hoist an Israeli flag. But when my friend asked them to pray for Palestine after October 7, they kicked him out. They didn’t want to hear it.
“Ironically, many Christians in the United States aren’t aware that there are Palestinian Christians – who come from the very region where Christianity originated. After returning from a recent trip to Palestine, the passport officer asked me why a Muslim would study at a Catholic university. When I informed him that I was a Palestinian Christian, he was visibly shocked.”
The special alliance that some evangelicals seek with Israel is driven by a desire to evangelize and see a Christian transformation in the Holy Land. Yet recent developments, such as Israel enforcing laws that ban attempts to convert Jews, have sparked fresh debate within American-Christian circles about the nature of their support for Israel. A growing number are seemingly questioning why they should support a government that appears to restrict their religious mission.
One recent example that captured significant media attention was conservative pundit Tucker Carlson’s interview with Palestinian-Christian Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac. Their talk focused on the complex topic of Christian support for Israel’s military actions in Gaza. During the discussion, Carlson strongly criticized American-Christian leaders for their steadfast support of Israel amid the ongoing conflict.
He questioned the alignment of Christian values with the support of a foreign government’s military actions that result in significant destruction and loss of life to Christians in Gaza, including attacks on holy sites. He remarked: “If you wake up in the morning and decide that your Christian faith requires you to support a foreign government blowing up churches and killing Christians, I think you’ve lost the thread.”
“If you wake up in the morning and decide that your Christian faith requires you to support a foreign government blowing up churches and killing Christians, I think you’ve lost the thread.” pic.twitter.com/S6Q70K2314
— Tucker Carlson Network (@TCNetwork) April 9, 2024
Sayegh said he believed a shift is occurring. “Young pastors and more educated Christians, who are becoming the majority, no longer adhere strictly to this literal interpretation of theology. They’re adopting a more critical approach.”
Nazareth-based Mansour, meanwhile, noted that “we’re seeing younger Baptists and evangelicals around the world who are galvanizing around social justice and peace. Judeo-Christian values should be derived from the prophets – from the Book of Micah, from the Sermon on the Mount – not an eschatological scheme, not a vengeful eye for an eye,” he said.
A shared bleak future
Despite a gradual change in attitudes in the wider community, the outlook for Christian Palestinians remains bleak, in both Gaza and the West Bank.
The leading causes for Palestinian migration include economic factors, the occupation and settler actions in the West Bank. Another significant factor is the comparatively low birth rate among Christians compared to Muslims – a trend that is consistent across the broader region.
“Historically, Christian Palestinians have placed a high value on education, including languages like French, English and German, due to church associations,” Sayegh said. “This emphasis on education and exposure to Western secular values has increased the likelihood of emigration, more so than among [Palestinian] Muslims.” And according to Hassan, many Palestinian Christians in the West Bank “would leave if they got the chance.”
Back in Gaza, A. texted that he and his family are trying to leave the Strip and, like many other Gazans, have set up an online funding campaign. A ticket out of Gaza can cost at least $10,000 in bribes.
“We used to plan for our family’s future in Gaza. We bought an apartment, a car, a lot of belongings. We decorated our house. We never thought of leaving Gaza,” he wrote. “Now, everything is gone – we lost everything. The home and car are destroyed. Today, we only think of getting to safety – anywhere, but Egypt is the only available place. We want to get to safety, then we can start thinking of what’s next.”
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